Minnesota Says Federal Officials Have Stopped Sharing Evidence in Two Minneapolis Shooting Investigations

Two deaths changed the political temperature in Minnesota. Now, a fresh fight over evidence is raising new questions about who gets to investigate federal force inside a state.

Minnesota officials say the federal government has again stopped cooperating in the investigations into the fatal shootings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis. The accusation, laid out in recent court filings, has intensified an already extraordinary conflict between state prosecutors and the US justice department over access, jurisdiction and public accountability.

A renewed confrontation over two fatal shootings

The latest turn in the case is stark. According to recent court filings described by the Associated Press and other outlets, Minnesota investigators say the federal government had begun sharing materials in July 2026, only for that cooperation to stall soon afterward. Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty said the US attorney’s office for Minnesota told her on September 10, 2026, that evidence sharing would be paused indefinitely because of “challenges with DC,” a reference to federal authorities in Washington.

At the center of the dispute are the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, both 37, during a period of intense federal immigration enforcement and unrest in Minneapolis earlier in 2026. Good was fatally shot by an ICE officer while driving away during a January protest, according to state officials’ description of the case. Pretti, identified in multiple reports as an intensive care nurse, was later shot by a Border Patrol agent after moving to assist another protester during demonstrations on icy city streets.

These shootings became flashpoints well beyond Minneapolis. News coverage from the AP, MPR News and The Guardian described them as pivotal moments in a broader backlash to the federal crackdown, with critics characterizing the operations as heavily militarized and deeply destabilizing for the city. What might otherwise have remained a narrow procedural fight over investigative files has therefore become a larger test of whether state authorities can independently scrutinize the use of deadly force by federal officers.

The immediate legal question is straightforward, even if the underlying politics are not. Minnesota says it needs complete access to physical evidence, video, statements and digital records in order to determine whether state criminal laws were violated. Federal officials, by contrast, have argued in court that sharing such information with the state is discretionary rather than mandatory, setting up a direct clash over control of the investigative record.

What Minnesota says it still has not received

State officials have been unusually specific about what they say remains out of reach. In a declaration described by the AP and other reports, Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension Superintendent Drew Evans said federal authorities still possess Good’s clothing, the cellphone of the officer who killed her and interview recordings that state authorities have not been allowed to review. Those are not marginal items. In any officer-involved shooting inquiry, they can be central to reconstructing intent, threat perception, timing and post-incident accounts.

The list tied to Pretti’s case is similarly consequential. Evans said the federal government has not turned over a recorded statement from an officer involved in Pretti’s shooting, the firearms used by officers, projectiles, shell casings and officers’ phones. Those categories matter because they allow investigators to compare narratives with forensic evidence, test weapons and trajectories, review communications and establish a reliable timeline of what happened before and after deadly force was used.

Minnesota officials also point to the significance of bystander video. Reports from The Guardian and the AP say footage captured by witnesses in both shootings contradicted key parts of the administration’s public explanation for why the killings occurred. That does not itself determine criminal liability, but it raises the stakes around every missing interview, phone extraction and physical exhibit. When official accounts and public video appear to diverge, investigators typically place added weight on unfiltered scene evidence.

No criminal charges have been filed in either case. That fact cuts in two directions politically. Federal officials can argue that the absence of charges underscores the need for careful, orderly handling of sensitive materials. State authorities and families of the dead can counter that the lack of charges makes full disclosure even more urgent, because delay can become its own barrier to accountability as memories fade, devices change hands and public attention shifts.

Why the jurisdiction fight matters far beyond Minnesota

Ordinarily, evidence-sharing disputes unfold quietly between agencies. This one did not, in part because the state and federal governments appear to disagree on a foundational issue: whether Minnesota prosecutors have authority to investigate federal officers for possible violations of state criminal law. According to coverage of the filings, the Trump administration has suggested state prosecutors lack jurisdiction in these circumstances, while Minnesota officials insist the state not only has that authority but cannot rely on the federal government to police itself.

That disagreement helps explain why Minnesota sued in March 2026. The complaint, described in reporting and reflected in court materials, argued that state investigators had been blocked from scenes and denied access to core evidence from the outset. The lawsuit was not presented as a routine records spat. Hennepin County officials portrayed it as an unprecedented challenge to the basic ability of a state to perform criminal review after people were killed within its borders.

The broader constitutional and practical stakes are substantial. States traditionally enforce their own criminal laws, while the federal government protects its own officers and investigative processes. Most of the time those interests are managed through cooperation rather than collision. But if federal agencies can categorically withhold evidence in deaths involving their own personnel, state officials argue, independent review becomes almost impossible. That concern is especially acute in politically charged operations where public trust is already fragile.

This case also arrives at a moment when debates over immigration enforcement, protest policing and federal power are tightly intertwined. The deaths of Good and Pretti were not isolated incidents in an otherwise calm setting; they occurred amid large demonstrations and a hard-edged enforcement campaign that drew national scrutiny. As a result, the court fight now functions as a proxy battle over transparency itself: whether states can verify federal accounts with primary evidence, or whether those accounts remain largely shielded from outside testing.

The legal and political pressure now building around the case

Minnesota’s latest court filings ask a judge to order federal agencies to resume and complete the transfer of evidence. State prosecutors argue that federal officials “have identified no legal authority or rational basis” for obstructing state criminal investigations, according to reporting on the filings. The justice department, in response, has argued that federal agencies retain discretion over whether to share information with state authorities and that Minnesota did not satisfy the relevant federal procedures for obtaining it.

That legal posture may prove consequential beyond these two investigations. If a court accepts the federal argument broadly, it could reinforce agency control over evidence in future incidents involving federal force. If the court sides with Minnesota, the ruling could strengthen the hand of state prosecutors nationwide when federal officers are involved in deaths or serious injuries. Either way, the dispute has moved well beyond a single discovery motion and into territory with national implications.

Political pressure is also mounting from outside the courtroom. Families, civil liberties advocates and local officials have treated the investigations as a measure of whether public institutions can produce a credible account of what happened. Earlier this month, according to The Guardian, Good’s family filed a lawsuit over her death. That separate action adds another track of accountability and ensures that the facts at issue will remain under public examination even as the state-federal standoff continues.

At the same time, the federal government faces a perception problem that may be as damaging as the legal one. Officials reportedly began sharing evidence in July, creating an expectation that fuller cooperation was finally underway. When that flow then stopped, it invited the inference that the process was being managed politically rather than consistently. Even if federal lawyers can justify the pause on procedural grounds, restoring public confidence will be difficult unless the government can show a clear, durable framework for independent review.

What comes next for the investigations and public trust

The next phase is likely to unfold on two tracks at once: judicial rulings and public narrative. In court, judges will have to decide whether Minnesota can compel federal agencies to hand over materials that state investigators say are indispensable. Outside court, every new filing will be read through the lens of a much larger argument over accountability in federal law enforcement. That means even technical disputes over interviews, phones or shell casings are likely to carry outsized symbolic weight.

For prosecutors, timing matters. Evidence does not simply sit unchanged in a vacuum. Devices may require preservation protocols, witness recollections can harden or fade, and the practical ability to revisit scenes or reconstruct sequences grows weaker over time. That is why Minnesota officials are framing the dispute not merely as a bureaucratic delay but as an active obstruction that could compromise the integrity of any eventual charging decision.

For the public, the central question is more basic: who is allowed to verify the truth when federal officers kill civilians on city streets? In ordinary criminal cases, communities expect outside review, chain-of-custody documentation and access to physical and digital evidence. When those expectations are frustrated, distrust tends to spread beyond the immediate case. Minneapolis, which has already lived through years of strained debates over policing and oversight, is particularly sensitive to signs that official narratives may be insulated from scrutiny.

What happens next will therefore matter far beyond Renee Good and Alex Pretti, even as their names remain at the core of the case. If evidence sharing resumes fully, Minnesota may yet conduct the kind of independent review it says the law requires. If the impasse hardens, the shootings could become a lasting precedent in the struggle between state authority and federal enforcement power. Either outcome will shape how future deaths involving federal officers are investigated, and whether the public believes those investigations deserve its trust.

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